The main reason for wealth disparity is unequal land distribution. Pakistan is home to a large feudal landholding system where landholding families hold thousands of acres and do little work on the agriculture themselves. They enlist the services of their serfs to perform the labour of the land.  51% of poor tenants owe money to the landlords.  The landlords' position of power allows them to exploit the only resource the poor can possibly provide: their own labour.
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The most highly publicised discovery of Booth's work was that per cent of the population of London was poor. The precision of that figure was as impressive as its magnitude; indeed, the precision seemed to authenticate the magnitude. Altogether, the study appeared to be a model of scientific objectivity. On the basis of a massive, meticulous, house-to-house survey, it established a 'line of poverty' and differentiated various classes above and below that line. Contemporaries (and some historians) may be forgiven for thinking that the ambiguity which had so long befuddled the subject of poverty had finally been resolved. In fact a good deal of ambiguity remained. The income figures were often based on estimates rather than actual earnings, and the classes were described and even defined as much in moral as in economic terms. Booth made no secret of the fact that the 'poor' were his 'clients'; it was for their sake that he proposed to locate the 'very poor' in industrial camps where they would be out of the way of the poor, not competing with them for jobs and not threatening their status. This was an extraordinary proposal for a laissez-faire -ist like Booth to make; he himself thought it tantamount to 'state slavery.' In fact, it was an effort to do what the poor law reformers had tried to do half a century earlier, to remove the able-bodied paupers from the society of the poor by confining them in workhouses.
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